sexta-feira, 22 de junho de 2018

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Sign In Subscribe HOME WORLD US COMPANIES MARKETS OPINION WORK & CAREERS LIFE & ARTS Sign In Subscribe The Big Read Chinese politics & policy Add to myFT China eyes role as world’s power supplier Beijing promotes global electricity network to absorb huge power surpluses © FT montage / Bloomberg Share on Twitter (opens new window) Share on Facebook (opens new window) Share on LinkedIn (opens new window) Save Save to myFT James Kynge in London and Lucy Hornby in Beijing JUNE 7, 2018 Print this page137 Deep in a tangle of planning bureaucracies in western Beijing, the future of a country nearly 3,000km away is under discussion. Xie Qiuye, president of China’s Electric Power Planning & Engineering Institute, has been charged with developing an electricity plan for Laos, a nation struggling with a glut of electricity supply from Chinese-built dams on the Mekong river. Mr Xie’s job is to find a rational solution for Laos, even as powerful Chinese construction companies vie for more dam contracts in China’s poor southern neighbour. His answer — to make Laos into a regional power hub, exporting electricity to the rest of south-east Asia — depends on a technology that is being pushed hard by a powerful former state electricity boss with a vision for connecting world power markets. In Laos, in Brazil, in central Africa and most of all in China itself, ultra high-voltage cable technology that allows power to be commercially transported over vast distances with lower costs and increased load is justifying the construction of massive power projects. It is dubbed the “intercontinental ballistic missile” of the power industry by Liu Zhenya, its biggest backer and for a decade the president of State Grid, China’s powerful transmission utility. UHV allowed China to binge on dam building in its mountainous hinterland, then transport the power thousands of kilometres to its wealthy, industrial east coast. But by enabling this, and other projects, UHV has left western China with such a glut of power that Mr Liu in 2016 proposed using the technology to export power as far away as Germany. Now Mr Liu is promoting UHV internationally through his Global Energy Interconnection initiative. Designated a “national strategy” and championed by Xi Jinping, China’s president, the initiative feeds into one of China’s most ambitious international plans — to create the world’s first global electricity grid. “All of this fits in with Beijing’s goals of expansion and being a global standard setter,” says Erica Downs, an expert on China and energy at Columbia University. “It is also linked to China’s intention to become an advanced industrial superpower. There is a big prestige element in this.” Advocates stress that this does not mean China would control the resulting grid but networks would be linked to allow better cross-regional allocation of power surpluses. It is no coincidence that this would resolve the problem of “trapped” power resulting from some of China’s mega construction projects in countries like Laos that lack a big enough domestic market. Some western observers see a geopolitical strategy on a par with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, a grand design that seeks to boost Chinese-led infrastructure investment in more than 80 countries around the world. “While there is certainly a commercial explanation for China’s rapid expansion in the power sector, it should also be recognised that Beijing is known to intertwine its economic, diplomatic and strategic initiatives,” says Andrew Davenport, chief operating officer at RWR Advisory, a Washington-based consultancy. “Part of the explanation for its expansion in this area is, therefore, likely the influence — and soft power gains — that accompanies increased control over an industry so fundamental to the everyday lives of citizens.” Chinese companies have announced investments of $102bn in building or acquiring power transmission infrastructure across 83 projects in Latin America, Africa, Europe and beyond over the past five years, according to RWR. Adding in loans from Chinese institutions for overseas power grid investments brings the total to $123bn. Throw in all power-related Chinese deals overseas, including investments and loans to power plants as well as grids, and the number almost quadruples. Between 2013 and the end of February 2018, total overseas power transactions announced reached $452bn, up 92 per cent from 2013 levels, according to RWR, which strips out of its calculations deals that are announced only to be subsequently cancelled. Officials and power industry analysts in China insist that it would be too simple to assume that such investments are all slated to be rolled up into a single international grid to achieve the GEI goal, which Mr Liu recently described as similar to the internet: global but not controlled by a single country. The first stage, set to run until 2020, involves investment in domestic grid assets within other countries. The second phase would see the knitting together of some of those grids and that generation capacity. “From 2020 to 2030, the task will be to promote intra-continental interconnection with the interconnection of Asian, European and African grids being basically realised,” Mr Liu said recently in London. 1. China power surge Brazil © Bloomberg China’s State Grid has invested more than $21bn to become the biggest power generation and distribution company in Brazil. Its executives promise an extra $38bn in investment over the next five years. Central to their ambitions is to showcase ultra high-voltage transmission technology, which is able to transmit electricity over vast distances at sharply reduced cost. The first UHV line built by the Chinese outside the country runs 2,000km from the Belo Monte hydropower dam (above) in the Amazon region to cities in the south of Brazil. Although Chinese companies would not necessarily own or control the regional grids, their influence, via the assets they do control, would ultimately lead to regional interconnection. “China’s state-owned power companies are pursuing an aggressive overseas expansion strategy, investing in the construction and operation of energy networks in some countries and as equity investors in others,” says Xu Yi-chong, a politics professor at Griffith University, Australia and author of Sinews of Power, a book about State Grid. “[But] China’s push for interconnectivity does not have to mean that Chinese companies own or operate the grid.” The ambition is huge, envisaging linking up more than 100 countries. But China has considerable organisational, financial and technological firepower. Recommended FT Collections China’s global ambitions The state-owned power companies that are hitting the acquisition trail overseas rank as global heavyweights. State Grid is ranked as the world’s second-largest company after Walmart in the 2017 Fortune 500 list. On important issues such as GEI these companies partly co-ordinate their actions through the China Electricity Council, an official body led by Mr Liu, and reporting to the State Council, China’s cabinet. The financial firepower at the disposal of these state-backed companies to sweeten bids for assets overseas is underwritten by China’s policy banks, the China Development Bank and the Export-Import Bank of China. “You have to understand, the GEI is a personal priority of Xi Jinping,” says one senior power official. “Of course, Chairman Liu [Zhenya] and all the other chief executives are under great pressure. Xi does not tolerate failure.” 2. China power surge Southern Europe China is already a big presence in southern European power grids. State Grid became the biggest shareholder in REN, the Portuguese national grid company, in 2012. Another Chinese state-owned enterprise, China Three Gorges, is seeking to increase its 23 per cent stake in EDP, Portugal’s biggest company whose assets include the Alqueva dam (above), to give it control over a further 220,000km of transmission lines in the country plus grid assets in Spain and Brazil. Chinese state companies also own significant grid assets in Italy and Greece, bringing the goal of a southern European grid controlled by China closer. The biggest boon for China’s global grid ambitions is UHV cable technology. While other companies such as Germany’s Siemens and the Swedish-Swiss conglomerate ABB also have the technology, Chinese companies have been the first to deploy it on a grand scale, developing global industry standards. China has already demonstrated the technology’s performance at home. The 37,000km of UHV cable that is laid or under construction in China can carry a load of 150GW, equivalent to 2.5 times the maximum electricity load in the UK. And despite some pushback from the country’s entrenched power generators, Mr Liu claims that the cables are particularly applicable to renewable energy. Steven Chu, a former US secretary of energy, has called China’s strides in UHV technology a “Sputnik moment” for the US, alluding to the Soviet Union’s 1957 launch of the first earth-orbiting space satellite, which marked a technological leap ahead of the US. 3. China power surge Africa The biggest geographical concentration of Chinese investment in power has come in Africa, where 39 projects were announced in the five years to the end of February 2018. Analysts talk of Chinese plans to create regional power grids across the continent. State Grid is set to take a controlling stake in a $2.8bn project to build the transmission backbone in Mozambique, which will link up with the Southern African Power Pool, an interconnected electrical system for Southern African countries. Nigeria is also a key focus with China’s ExIm Bank funding the $5.8bn Mambilla hydroelectric project (above) and Chinese companies building it. “China has the best transmission lines in terms of the highest voltage and lowest loss,” Mr Chu has said. “They can transmit electricity over 2,000km and lose only 7 per cent of the energy. If we [the US] transmitted over 200km we would lose more than that.” The technology promises to reshape the way in which the world consumes power, Mr Liu told his London audience. He used the hypothetical scenario of hydropower generated in the Democratic Republic of Congo for $0.03 per kWh being transmitted to Europe through Chinese UHV cables at a cost on delivery of just $0.07-0.08 per kWh. This compares with an average cost of €0.20 ($0.23) per kWh to households in the EU, according to Eurostat, the data agency. Mr Chu’s rosy assessment is not shared by everyone. Although the percentage of power lost is lower than through other transmission technologies, the distances over which China deploys the cables means that total power losses are still significant. Meanwhile, the technology has allowed China to prioritise massive projects with disproportionately high environmental impact, both at home and abroad. Listen: Gideon Rachman — The dawn of the Chinese century At the same time State Grid has yet to win many UHV construction projects abroad. Its main success has been in Brazil, where its acquisitions have made it the country’s largest generation and distribution company, paving the way for it to install UHV cables from a hydropower dam deep in the Amazon to cities 2,000km to the south. It now has ambitions to build more UHV lines as part of an estimated $38bn in extra investment in Brazil over the next five years. For now, China’s power companies are more focused on building their international generation and transmission assets. China Three Gorges, one of the world’s largest electricity groups, last month bid to take control of Portugal’s biggest company, the power utility Energias de Portugal. Regulators rejected the initial Chinese offer of €9bn, but it is expected to follow up with more attractive bids. If successful, the deal will bring one step closer a proposal to create an interconnected southern European grid, says Prof Xu. That would involve linking power assets largely built up in the wake of the financial crisis. China Three Gorges first bought into EDP in 2011 and has invested in its renewables arm. In 2012, State Grid became the largest shareholder in Redes Energéticas Nacionais, Portugal’s national power grid. In 2014, State Grid took a stake in Italy’s CDP Reti, which owns gas and power transmission networks. In 2017, the Chinese utility completed its purchase of 24 per cent of ADMIE, an independent grid operator in Greece. The interconnection ambitions combined with the aggressive acquisition strategies of Chinese state-owned actors have met more opposition in northern Europe. State Grid failed in a bid to buy 14 per cent of Eandis, a public distributor of gas and electricity in Flanders, after the city of Antwerp blocked the bid. In May it made a fresh attempt to buy a 20 per cent stake in Germany high-voltage energy network 50 Hertz after an earlier bid failed, according to people close to the deal. With its great distances, hunger for energy and increasing reliance on renewables, Prof Xu believes the most likely place for the first interconnected grid is Africa. It has attracted 39 power deals since 2013, more than any other region, according to data from RWR. “There are a number of Chinese companies doing big power generation projects, which need to be connected with new transmission and distribution systems,” Prof Xu adds. In south-east Asia Mr Xie, the state planner, takes his responsibilities seriously, including making a visit to Laos in 2017. He sees regional power integration as an economically and environmentally efficient solution to the problem of “everyone wanting to build their own”. He adds: “It’s against everyone’s interests to build [power plants] and not sell the power. We want to avoid future problems.” Additional reporting by Archie Zhang Letter in response to this article: State Grid is willing to settle for less / From Leonard Hyman, Sleepy Hollow, NY, US

segunda-feira, 29 de janeiro de 2018

DA SÉRIE....ENTRE EU...E MIM .

Gosto muito, mesmo muito dos escritos da CLARA FERREIRA ALVES no EXPRESSO numa coluna da revista e que ela, curiosamente, intitulou de PLUMA CAPRICHOSA . Giro. Pois. Acontece que a minha Clarinha escreveu um texto esdrúxulo chamado O MALDITO PRÍNCIPE ENCANTADO no de ontem, dia 28 /1/18 . Nele, às tantas diz :" o conto de fadas e o pressuposto básico de que em cada mulher há um ser imperfeito que quer ser salvo por um homem perfeito continuam a produzir danos e a fazer vítimas". E mete aí a Bovary e tudo! É claro, Clarinha , que um homem pode ser mais parvo que uma mulher. Eu , por exemplo fui casado com uma muito parva e divorciei-me. Passados 3 anos encontrei-a por acaso e inquiri como ia ela de amores. E vai daí ela responde : -" OH!...., são todos piores que tu !". E eu reapaixonei-me pela frase e voltei a recasar-me com ela por mais 2 anos. Eis a prova!. Agora, Clarinha , achar  que anda mais de meio-mundo atrás do Príncipr Harry e da Meghan, é a modos dum pensar de excessos..., na minha opinião face ao teu achar.....Sobretudo como quando tu insinuas que as mamies só querem levar os filhotes à Eurodisney esquecendo-se que os filhotes gostam mais de brincar com brinquedos artesanais que eles próprios fazem do que com os da Disney....mas enfim, os pais também têm direito ao jardim zoológico de Paris.Eu , que sou muito homem, sempre preferia ser assediado pela  Cláudia Shifer , pela Meghan ou pela sogra falecida lady Dy no cruzamento da auto-estrada que leva ao Inferno delas quando desvia para o meu Céu, e fazer um pik-nick atrás das sebes . Estás ?

quinta-feira, 25 de janeiro de 2018

E cá volto no tempo das lampreias

A propósito dum belo filme que a minha colega Brenda Moura me  fez chegar, lembrei-me disto: frequentava o 5º ano do Liceu Alexandre Herculano e vinha a pé para casa ao cair do dia. O trajecto obrigava a cruzar em diagonal o jardim muito vitoriano de S. Lázaro quando me obssessionou a aula de matemática desse dia. O professor tinha escrito  no quadro negro uma equação que terminava em "igual " a infinito. E pus-me a pensar: se havia infinito , havia um infinitamente grande , se havia um infinitamente grande EU era um infinitamente pequeno e se Eu era isso Eu não existia . Então como podia estar a pensar aquilo? Cheguei a casa a transpirar e , segundo a minha mãe que tinha sempre razão, eu estava com gripe e faltei 3 dias às aulas. Foi o meu segundo grande ataque de ansiedade e angústia. Noutra altura , se tiver coragem , conto o primeiro.

quarta-feira, 15 de março de 2017

North Africa's Steadiest Country Is Quietly Unraveling

    
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Forecast

  • Losing money fast amid low energy prices and declining output, the Algerian government will work to trim its expenses.
  • Despite popular pressure to ease up on austerity measures, Algiers will have no choice but to continue implementing its much-needed reforms. 
  • Algeria will look to foreign investors for help in overhauling its energy sector, making incremental progress toward liberalizing its economy in the process.

Analysis

Since the Arab Spring swept across North Africa in 2011, Algeria has been an immovable anchor in a region struggling to find stability in the face of wave after wave of change. Many of Algeria's Mediterranean neighbors, including Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, are still recovering from the cataclysmic upsets that political and economic reforms have brought over the past six years. Morocco, meanwhile, has just reclaimed its seat in the African Union after a decadeslong absence, and it is working furiously to re-engage with its African neighbors while preserving its friendship with the West. Morocco's quest to improve its standing on the African continent could soon pose a threat to its longtime rival, Algeria, if Algiers does not move quickly to match Rabat's ambitions.
But unlike its neighbors, Algeria has kept a fairly steady course in the two decades since its bloody civil war ended. Despite serious and persistent health issues, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has held onto his seat in power. The country's approaching parliamentary elections — the sixth since Algeria adopted a multiparty political system in 1989 — will do little to empower the legislature to mount a more effective challenge to the longtime leader and his entourage.
Even so, change is on the horizon for Algeria's economy, despite the government's reluctance to risk the unrest reforms would likely bring. The country's economic growth and diversification have lagged in recent years, and in the face of persistently low oil prices and declining output, Algeria cannot afford to delay the overhaul of its lucrative but flagging energy sector any longer. And as it cautiously reshapes its economy, Algiers will gradually abandon its historical preference for isolation by courting foreign investors — a shift that could someday lead to a more open foreign policy as well.

Time (and Money) Is Running Out

Few North African economies can claim to be faring well at the moment, but Algeria's financial problems are especially burdensome. The country depends on oil and natural gas for 94 percent of its total exports (most of which go to Europe) and 60 percent of its budgeted revenues. When oil prices plunged in 2014 before leveling out below $40 per barrel, Algiers was forced to drain its coffers to keep paying for its imports, pushing its budget deficit to a record high of 16.4 percent of gross domestic product in 2015. Of course, Algeria still holds a massive amount of oil wealth, boasting a higher GDP per capita than even its more diversified competitor, Morocco. But high levels of income inequality continue to plague the country.
Algeria's foreign exchange reserves, moreover, are being rapidly depleted. Tucked away in the Revenue Regulation Fund, these reserves currently stand at just over $112 billion, down from $143 billion in 2015 and $177 billion in 2014. According to the International Monetary Fund, this figure will probably keep falling in the years ahead, dropping to $91 billion in 2017 and to $76 billion in 2018.

Keeping Up With the Times

Algeria's spending decisions over the past few years matter less than the choices it makes next. Algiers will have to funnel some of its oil wealth into diversifying the economy, even as it keeps existing social spending programs and state industries afloat. (It will also maintain its defense spending, which the government is not eager to shrink amid its ongoing rivalry with Morocco.) Despite being Europe's second-largest supplier of natural gas, behind only Russia, Algeria has had a tough time making ends meet as prices and demand in Europe have dropped. Declining output in Algeria's own energy sector over the past decade has only made matters worse.
The government has dipped into its considerable reserves to pay the bills and prop up the Algerian dinar, with the unfortunate side effect of boosting inflation. In an effort to stanch the bleeding, Algiers recently slashed its spending by 14 percent, deepening the cutback of 9 percent outlined in last year's budget. In 2017 alone, Algeria will try to reduce its imports by $5 billion, in keeping with the more than $10 billion in imports it has trimmed over the past two years. Though Algeria intends to remedy the situation in the long run by investing in growth beyond the oil sector, it has been slow to follow through with its plan.
Part of the problem is that restructuring the energy industry would threaten the patronage networks that have been built up around Algerian oil and natural gas giant Sonatrach. Since 2007, Algeria's consumption of oil and natural gas has risen by more than 50 percent while its oil production has fallen by 25 percent. With less oil available for export, the government's revenues have been hit hard — as have the payouts and perks that the ruling elite dole out through Sonatrach to keep their supporters satisfied. Leaders have moved hastily to invest in shale and enhanced recovery projects in an effort to counteract declining output in oil, but so far they have had little success in turning the energy sector around. All the while, Algiers' fears of stoking unrest by revamping the country's long-standing economic norms have grown.

An Unsustainable Status Quo

For the first time in decades, Algeria has turned to the international community for help. Algiers is eagerly seeking foreign investment into its agricultural industry to help offset its hefty import bills and spur development in what was once a significant sector for the country. And this is but one of many small steps the government is taking to bring in money from abroad. In 2013, for example, Algeria tried to stave off drops in hydrocarbon production by reforming its regulatory laws. Though the country's infamous rule capping foreign ownership of any business operating in Algeria at 49 percent is still alive and well, calls to remove barriers to foreign investment are growing louder.
The country's new constitution, which was updated early last year, also includes several clauses designed to open the Algerian economy to external funding. For example, the document explicitly prohibits the formation of new monopolies and directs lawmakers to "improve the business climate" of Algeria. Nevertheless, the decrees' vagueness doesn't inspire confidence in the government's ability to see them through. After all, Algeria is known for bungling one of the most expensive infrastructure projects in the world, the East-West Highway, and ultimately tripling the expected cost of $6 billion with rampant graft. (The debacle has become even more embarrassing in light of Morocco's success in championing its own public-private infrastructure project over the past decade.)
Algeria has had similar trouble keeping its economy up to date in the realm of Islamic finance, an increasingly favored option for diversifying financial sectors in the Muslim world. Like many other Muslim countries, Algeria is toying with the idea of issuing its first sukuk, or Islamic bond that pins its value to an asset without accruing interest. But the country lacks a legal framework to support Islamic finance, an area of growth that nearby Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia have recently and readily embraced. In fact, Algeria's entire banking sector is woefully out of touch with modern banking standards, and its central bank has a reputation for being one of the most opaque institutions of its kind in the world. Hoping to skirt these issues while still attracting much-needed investment, Algerian officials have proposed a plan to issue interest-free bonds. This would bring in the immediate funding the government needs without labeling it an Islamic finance instrument.
Over the past two years, Algerian leaders have shown their willingness to implement unpopular reforms, especially those that target fuel subsidies and taxes. Algiers has already bumped up the national sales tax from 15 to 17 percent, sparking protests in several provinces. If the government deepens its resolve to double down on subsidy cuts and tax hikes, the demonstrations could certainly grow and spread. Though Algiers is trying to pare down its massive subsidy payments, which currently top $45 billion, at a reasonable pace, Algerian citizens are unhappy with the effect the cutbacks will have on their own pocketbooks and standards of living.
The government has encountered pushback from the ruling elite as well. As Algiers moves to modernize its energy sector — and, in doing so, disrupt the entrenched patronage networks within it — high-ranking officials have taken steps to ensure that the reforms do not impact their access to state wealth. But they are only delaying the inevitable. No matter who follows in the footsteps of Bouteflika, a president known for his aversion to reform and equated with national stability, the country cannot protect the status quo for much longer.

quinta-feira, 8 de dezembro de 2016

Cheap steel exports are central to the question of whether China is still engaging in unfair trade practices. (STR/AFP/Getty Images)
Dec. 11 marks the 15th anniversary of China's accession to the World Trade Organization. Measured by its impact on the Chinese economy, which has grown almost tenfold since 2001, accession to the WTO was no less momentous than the epochal changes ushered in by the start of "Reform and Opening" in 1978 or the fiscal and political recentralization that followed the 1989 Tiananmen crisis. In the scale and speed of changes it wrought on Chinese society and politics, WTO accession was hardly less revolutionary than the Great Leap Forward of 1958-1961 or the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of 1966-1976. And in terms of their import for the structure of the global economy, few events in recent memory equal China's entry into the organization. By virtually any indicator, Dec. 11, 2001, was an inflection point not only for China's economy but also for much of the world's. But the anniversary also highlights how Chinese integration into the global economy remains incomplete. Click here to continue reading…
China's Unfinished Trade Revolution

quarta-feira, 7 de dezembro de 2016